Bush warps Jeffersonian principles by prosecuting a ‘war of choice’

By R.K. Ramazani and W. Scott Harrop
Published: July 13, 2008

By R.K. Ramazani
and W. Scott Harrop

George W. Bush’s recent speech at Thomas Jefferson’s home highlights contrasting presidential legacies for advancing liberty in the world.

Ironically, President Bush sought to don the Jefferson mantle by claiming, “We honor Jefferson’s legacy by aiding the rise of liberty in lands that do not know the blessings of freedom. And on this Fourth of July, we pay tribute to the brave men and women who wear the uniform of the United States of America.”

Jefferson, founder of the West Point Military Academy, would also honor American soldiers. But he would pause at using military force to “aid” freedom’s march.

Aspirations to see liberty prevail everywhere are as old as the American Republic. Presidents have long cited Jefferson, author of America’s Declaration of Independence, as a guide:

l In 1859, Abraham Lincoln honored Jefferson for introducing into the revolutionary document “an abstract truth, applicable to all men in all times.”

l In 1916, Woodrow Wilson, who wished to make the world “safe for democracy,” praised Jefferson for “concerted action for the rights of men, first in America and then by America’s example everywhere in the world.”

l In 1943, Franklin D. Roosevelt cited Jefferson as the “Apostle of Freedom,” an “American citizen of the world” who established “the new republic as a real democracy” and helped make it “a vital factor in international affairs.”

But no president before George Bush tried to make aggressive promotion of democracy the overarching strategy of U.S. foreign policy.

Jefferson “abhorred war,” and only reluctantly countenanced war in self-defense. He would turn over in his grave to hear that his beloved country had justified “a war of choice” and occupation in the name of pushing democracy.

Bush’s rendition of Jefferson includes a telling misquote of an 1826 letter about the Declaration, in which Jefferson reflects: “May it be to the world, what I believe it will be — to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all — the Signal of arousing men to burst the chains, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government.”

Bush’s speechwriters left out a critical caveat. After the words “burst the chains” Jefferson continued: “under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves… .” This omission matters because the full quote reflects Jefferson’s long-held doubts about democracy taking root elsewhere.

Unlike Bush, Jefferson believed that before democracy can flourish, citizens and their culture must be receptive to democratic principles, including the rule of law and respect for minority rights.

Also unlike Bush, Jefferson recognized that transitions from authoritarian to democratic governments can be difficult and painful. Amidst the French revolution, Jefferson advised Lafayette in 1790 not to expect transition “from despotism to liberty in a feather-bed.”

Jefferson understood that tyranny can be imposed, democracy cannot. Democracy comes from within; it must be chosen.

To encourage democratic choices, Jefferson offers timeless ideas that future presidents should consider anew:

l First, Jefferson commends the power of example. In 1801, he wrote, “A just and solid republican government here will be a standing monument and example for the aim and imitation of people of other countries.”

For true Jeffersonians, advancing American values abroad begins with defending them at home.

For starters, Jefferson’s writings speak eloquently to protecting the right of habeas corpus and to the “humane” treatment of prisoners of war.

l Second, Jefferson counsels the use of information to promote democracy. As he wrote in 1810, “No one more sincerely wishes the spread of information among mankind than I do, and none has greater confidence in its supporting free and good government.”

As in the Declaration of Independence’s opening sentence, America ought again to have “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind.” Dialogue with the world should be encouraged, not avoided. Respect for those beyond our borders engenders respect for America.

l Third, Jefferson advocates education as the most important instrument for undermining cultures of dictatorship. As Jefferson wrote in 1816, “Enlighten the public generally, and tyranny and oppression of mind and body will vanish like the evil spirit at the dawn of day.” To such ends, he founded the University of Virginia.

l Lastly, the original purpose of Jef-ferson’s July 4 Declaration speaks volumes. More than a listing of grievances and abstract principles, it was crafted to declare independence — to proclaim America’s determination before a “candid world” to govern itself.

As the world granted America that liberty to choose its own path, so too the Sage of Monticello would see wisdom in America granting other countries the same freedom.

R.K. Ramazani is Edward R. Stettinius professor emeritus of government and foreign affairs at the University of Virginia and the co-editor of “The Future of Liberal Democracy: Thomas Jefferson and the Contemporary World” and the forthcoming “Religion, State, and Society: Jefferson’s Wall of Separation in Comparative Perspective.”  W. Scott Harrop is a recent Jefferson Fellow at Monticello’s Robert H. Smith International Center for Jefferson Studies, where he researched the intent of the “opinions of mankind” clause in the American Declaration of Independence, as part of a University of Virginia dissertation on rebel struggles for international legitimacy.